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Five Questions For: Rachel Corrie’s Parents

Posted on April 16, 2018

Five Questions For: Rachel Corrie’s Parents

by Alexandra Tempus

April 11, 2018

06-10-07-Cindy-Craig-Corrie.jpg

Craig and Cindy Corrie.

Last month marked the 15th anniversary of the death of Rachel Corrie, a young American peace activist killed in 2003 by an Israeli soldier-driven bulldozer as she tried to stop the demolition of a Palestinian family home in Gaza. Since then, her parents Craig and Cindy have carried on her work through the Rachel Corrie Foundation for Peace and Justice. They paid us a visit with fellow peace activists American Joe Catron and Palestinian Islam Maraqa, who, like Rachel Corrie before her death, work with the International Solidarity Movement.

Q: How does it feel to see the news out of Gaza now at the fifteen-year anniversary of Rachel’s death?

Craig Corrie: It seems to me, particularly when I’m watching from here in the West, that nobody pays any attention to Gaza. Which is why our daughter went there.

Cindy Corrie: Fifteen years is a long time. What Rachel would want us to be asking is, “what do we need to do to support this?” To have more than 20,000 Gazans standing on that border risking what they’re risking and yet doing it joyfully—I think we’re compelled to really listen and to really engage.

Q: After the judge cleared the Israeli military of any wrongdoing in Rachel’s case, you were told “There’s no such thing as civilians in Gaza.” Today, we have high-ranking Israeli official Avigdor Lieberman saying “There’s no innocent people in Gaza.” How does that strike you?

Craig Corrie: It’s a war crime! He’s admitting to a war crime. Let’s not forget that. As a family we’ve tried to hold them as accountable as we could.

Cindy Corrie: There’s nothing here that surprises us. In the court case it became very clear that Israeli soldiers in Gaza in 2003 never expected to testify in a courtroom and be held accountable.

The person who was in charge of Southern Gaza when Rachel was killed by the bulldozer, [Colonel Pinhas (Pinky) Zuaretz], testified in our case. When he was asked what happened to Rachel, he said, “I think a wall fell on her.”

Q: What is different in Gaza today?

Joe Catron: Israel is openly admitting to the massacre of unarmed demonstrators. They’re not trying to obscure it or shuffle the blame onto individual actors as they’ve done in cases like Rachel’s death.They’re claiming it, they’re proud of it. This is something of a tipping point for us here.

Trump’s recognition of Jerusalem completely discards the idea that the United States can be any kind of an honest broker in this situation.

Q: Has Trump changed things?

Cindy Corrie: With Trump’s recognition of Jerusalem, moving the U.S. Embassy—I don’t think people in the United States even understand how the rest of the world views that as an outrageous, unacceptable step. It completely discards the idea that the United States can be any kind of an honest broker in this situation.

Islam Maraqa: As Palestinians, we never saw the difference between the American presidents. All the time, the only thing we hear on the news from any American president is], “Israel has the right to defend itself. Israel has the right to defend itself.” And what about the Palestinians? Unfortunately, the Americans are most of the time adopting the Israeli narrative, and supporting everything possible.

Q: What should people here in the United States do to educate themselves about this struggle?

Cindy Corrie: People are always calling for Palestinians to behave nonviolently. If we’re not standing with them, and ensuring that there’s some positive result from this, then I think we set up an even more dangerous situation.

The anti-BDS work going on has provided us a window into our state legislatures and Israeli influence there. It’s an opportunity to do some work there too, to say, “there’s a piece of this you need to know more about.”

Craig Corrie: The obvious tie is the training of our police forces in the United States by the Israelis. We should be working to make sure that our police forces are not trained by people who view whomever they meet on the street as a foreign entity. That’s one of the places where this ties together with Black Lives Matter. It all is in the same room.

Alexandra Tempus is associate editor of The Progressive.

http://progressive.org/dispatches/five-questions-for-rachel-corrie%E2%80%99s-parents/?utm_source=THE+PROGRESSIVE+UPDATED+LIST&utm_campaign=4df7690185-EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2018_04_14&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_194f0c7083-4df7690185-186667669&mc_cid=4df7690185&mc_eid=2dcdfe6b7d 

Filed Under: In the Media, News and Updates

Trump Moves to Jerusalem

Posted on December 5, 2017

by Andrew Meyer, HuffPost Contributor, and former RCF Public Policy/Communications Manager

Trump’s unprecedented break with longstanding US policy should finally mean an international rejection of the farcical promises of the “peace process.”

The Dome of the Rock shines in Jerusalem’s Old City. AMMAR AWAD / REUTERS

2018 will mark the 25th anniversary of the Declaration of Principles (DOP), the culmination of political negotiations – often termed the “Oslo process” – that took place between the Israelis and the Palestinians beginning in 1993. The signing of the declaration was headlined by a picturesque handshake on the lawn of the White House between then Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization Chairman Yasser Arafat.

Overwhelmingly, Oslo was hailed as a revolutionary and unprecedented breakthrough in the bilateral pursuit of a lasting political solution in historic Palestine. This dominant assumption produced an enormous body of literature, written by diplomats, negotiators, politicians, and academics alike. To offer just one example, in his book The Process: 1,100 Days that Changed the Middle East, Israeli negotiator Uri Savir claimed that Oslo was “not just a pragmatic effort at peacemaking after having exhausted all other alternatives” but that it was “a revolutionary development that [implied] a reversal of historical, social, and cultural trends within both Israeli and Palestinian societies. Shaking hands and building a partnership meant not only the renunciation of past hostility but a break with traditions deeply ingrained in each of our societies.”

This dominant narrative around Oslo helped form what historian Ilan Pappé terms the “peace orthodoxy” – an international and “almost religious belief in the two-state solution.” Since then, the orthodoxy has been central in allowing Israel to navigate several paradoxes that have been produced by its subsequent policy decisions. One of these paradoxes is the ever-widening gap between global public opinion, which is increasingly critical of Israeli policy, and the unwavering support for the Jewish state offered by political and economic elites in the West.

Enter Donald Trump, who’s erratic and reactionary political agenda has now centered historic Palestine in its sights. Contravening what amounts to a global position on the status of Jerusalem, particularly as it relates to East Jerusalem as the future capital of a Palestinian state, Trump has notified Israeli and Palestinian political leadership that he intends to officially recognize the entirety of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel. This move by Trump should be seen as precisely what it is – the final spotlight illuminating the theatre of absurdity that has been the Middle East “peace process.”

As the shining moment of this process, the Oslo Accords were anchored in two particular aspects of the agreement’s structure – mutual recognition and the reliance on interim arrangements to bring about final status agreements. These “final status issues” were clearly delineated within the DOP – security arrangements, settlements, borders, refugees, and the status of Jerusalem. The current state of the first four issues is perfectly clear. Since the signing of the agreements, security and economic arrangements meant to buttress Israel’s position of strength have remained the center of attention and effort. The Israeli settler population in the West Bank and East Jerusalem has nearly tripled. Israel’s borders, which have never been officially declared, remain fluid, accompanied by serious discussion of formal annexation of the West Bank initiated by top-level Israeli political leaders such as Naftali Bennett. Finally, to no surprise, Israel has made no substantial move toward rectifying the refugee issue it created by employing ethnic cleansing as the means to forge its state in 1948.

And now, finally, the United States – Israel’s steadfast arms dealer and protector from rightful international condemnation – will codify a formal rejection of the international consensus on Jerusalem. For many liberals in the US, this will fall in line with Trump’s position on the Paris Agreement; that is, as nothing more than an uncalculated maneuver by a President who seems stubbornly committed to controversial policy decisions, if even merely for their own sake. For Palestinians, however, this development takes what has been collectively understood for decades – that Israel and the US are happy to collude in denying Palestinian self-determination – and moves it into the headlines of the mainstream press.

If there is anything productive that can come from Trump’s decision regarding Jerusalem it is that, perhaps finally, those who are interested in reaching a just political solution in historic Palestine can relinquish their investment in the peace orthodoxy. Those who could not muster the same foresight offered by the brilliance of Edward Said who, as early as 1995, described the Oslo process as a way for Israel to “repackage” its system of domination in Palestine, finally have all of the evidence in front of them. It can now be stated, without any doubt, that the entirety of the so-called “peace process” was constructed in aid of the denial of a Palestinian state.

This realization allows us to shed the confines of the peace orthodoxy in order to finally initiate an honest debate about the contemporary reality within historic Palestine. What has happened in this territory since the arrival of thousands of settler-immigrants in the late nineteenth century is not accurately reflected in the structure nor the lexicon of the “peace process.” This is not a situation that can be solved under the false impression of political negotiations between two national parties. What is taking place in Palestine – indeed, what has been taking place – is an anti-colonial struggle against a settler colonial powerhouse.

Since the imposition of its political project upon historic Palestine, the Zionist goal has been crystal clear – to control as much of historic Palestine with as few Palestinians living in the territory as is possible. It is this history, the one that exists before the revisionist historical red lines imposed by the peace process, that is absolutely fundamental to our ability to accurately assess the contemporary political situation in Palestine. Along with developing severe structural impediments to the establishment of a Palestinian state, the peace process also insists upon Oslo as a new starting point for observing and diagnosing any problems still existing within Palestine. That is, this peace process, its lexicon, and its orthodoxy work to assert a false reality of mutual national struggle, which in turn erases the legacy of Israeli foundational violence and, therefore, the anti-colonial Palestinian struggle.

To be more direct, the “peace process” purportedly, or at least rhetorically, seeks the establishment of a Palestinian state, while Israeli settler colonialism explicitly denies that possibility. There is no room for a viable and sovereign Palestinian state within the Zionist – and now Israeli – political imaginary. It cannot exist. In other words, as has long been argued by those examining the prospects critically, this twenty-five year exercise has been meant to be heavy on the “process” and ambiguous on the “peace.”

Palestinians do not need U.S. brokerage of meager political or economic gains through asymmetrical negotiations. It is not Trump nor Israel who hold legitimacy as an arbiter of Palestinian rights. What Palestinians need – indeed, what the world needs – is the comprehensive dismantlement of Israeli settler domination in historic Palestine. As Trump prepares for his move to Jerusalem, it has never been more clear that the path toward this dismantlement could never have been located within this “peace process.”

https://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/trump-moves-to-jerusalem_us_5a271872e4b073bb87c97f9c

Filed Under: In the Media, News and Updates

RCF commemorates International Peace Day

Posted on September 21, 2016

A logo for the International Day of Peace

A logo for the International Day of Peace

On the occasion of the International Day of Peace 2016, Rachel Corrie Foundation 2016 Scholarship recipient, Dakota Rakestraw, wrote an incisive op-ed published on Mondoweiss. Commemorated annually on 21 September, the United Nations event is a day for gauging humanity’s progress towards peace. Dakota challenges us to think critically about whether the United States is contributing to or hindering this goal in the context of Palestine, in particular.

Today, September 21st, is International Day of Peace. A United Nations Resolution instituted the commemoration in 1981 and the UN proclaimed theme for 2016 is “The Sustainable Developmental Goals: Building Blocks for Peace.” It is easy enough to agree with this statement, but how easy is it to act upon?

Earlier this year, French President François Hollande attempted to initiate peace talks between Palestinian and Israeli parties, hoping to revive the spirit of the Camp David talks of the 1990s. Facilitated by President Clinton, the Camp David talks brought Yasser Arafat, President of the Palestine Liberation Organization, and Ehud Barak, Prime Minister of Israel, together for talks on settling the ‘Palestinian-Israeli conflict’. The talks deteriorated with no tangible outcomes, each side blaming the other, and foreshadowed a legacy of perpetual peace talks continuing to the present. While the actual timeline of the Hollande-sponsored talks indicates they are scheduled at the end of 2016, a year when Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has advocated to deport the families of Palestinian attackers from the West Bank to the Gaza Strip, expectations for these high-level negotiations are understandably low.

Read the article in full at Mondoweiss.

 

Filed Under: In the Media Tagged With: 2016, International Day of Peace

Interview with Cindy & Craig Corrie on Chatterbox, Tacoma School of the Arts

Posted on September 9, 2016

In March 2016, a group of high school students from the Tacoma School of the Arts interviewed Cindy and Craig Corrie for Chatterbox. Students are involved in all aspects of the production of the news program that covers a variety of topics. Watch the 30-minute interview to learn about Rachel’s story and how her life inspired Cindy and Craig to establish the Rachel Corrie Foundation. Thanks to Brian Scannell and his class, KBTC Public Television and Tacoma School District for hosting the interview.

Filed Under: Cindy and Craig's Blog, In the Media

Alan Rickman gave the greatest gift to my late daughter, Rachel Corrie

Posted on March 4, 2016


By: Craig Corrie, The Rachel Corrie Foundation

[Read the  full article at The Guardian]

ARTICLE EXCERPT: My family and I were saddened on Thursday morning to learn of the death of Alan Rickman – too sad to write our feelings at the time. Alan, of course, is famous as an actor and director, both on stage and in film. But we first came to know him when, with Katharine Viner (now editor-in-chief of the Guardian), he edited our daughter Rachel’s writing into the play My Name is Rachel Corrie. The care Alan took for our family, his courage to take on this particular project and, most of all, the respect he showed for Rachel and her writing, impress me still as truly extraordinary.

 Imagine a person of Alan Rickman’s talent, stature and experience stepping into the space between a recently bereaved family, the Israel/Palestine conflict and a young woman’s private email and journals. Voluntarily. I could not imagine such a thing had Alan not done exactly that. As My Name is Rachel Corrie concluded its first run in New York late in 2006, I told Alan: “You know, you were working without a net. There was a very real risk that no matter what you did with Rachel’s writing, our family would not be in the emotional state to approve of it.”

[Read the  full article at The Guardian]

Filed Under: In the Media

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